Overview

Historical Background

The present Burmese 'nation-state' is a relatively recent creation. Many ethnic groups do not agree that prior to British annexation they had been brought under the rule of any 'Burman' government, instead claiming they governed their own territories. Burma came under British colonial control in 1886 following three Anglo-Burman wars. For the purposes of ruling, a distinction was drawn between the plains (direct rule) and hills (reliance on existing chiefs and princes), creating Ministerial Burma and the Frontier Areas. This division enabled control and, over time, became encoded in law and remains a legacy of colonialism.

It is believed that the rise of Burmese nationalism began with the founding in 1906 of the Young Men's Buddhist Association in Rangoon. Further nationalist movements and the creation of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), under the leadership of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and U Nu, led to independence in 1948 when Burma left the Commonwealth.

Since becoming independent, representatives of the ethnic minority population - who are considered to make up between one-third and one-half of the population - have been struggling for greater autonomy from the central Burmese government, with approaches ranging from secession to federalism.

In 1947, Aung San had organised a multi-ethnic conference in the Shan town of Panglong with the intention of devising a political structure that both Burmans and ethnic nationalities in the frontier areas could accept in order to reunite the country. Although only four out of fifteen major ethnic groups were represented, the concept of a federal union was agreed upon, and ethnic nationalities were to be granted in ethnic states. Aung San headed the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1990 when it won a landslide victory in an election that was never honoured (see Section 1.2 ^X). Because of later disagreements over boundaries and political representation, as well as the assassination of Aung San and most of his cabinet, the idea of a federal union was never honoured either.

In Burma, armed groups in opposition to the government are referred to as 'living outside the legal fold' and upon surrender return to the legal fold or 're-enter the light'. General Aung San helped to found the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) and during the BSPP era, the CPB was the largest ideologically orientated organisation outside the 'legal fold'.

A military coup in 1962 led Burma to become isolated from the world under the rule of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) in a one-party system dominated by the military. Following nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) staged a coup to take over the governing of Burma, reinstating martial law and imposing restrictions on any opposition to the government. Thousands of people were killed during the 1988 uprising - estimates range from 3,000 to 10,000 deaths. The SLORC renamed itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997.

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Politics

Over the past fifty years, two contrasting approaches have been highlighted as dominating Burma's political struggles: Aung San's 'Unity in Diversity' and Ne Win's 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. In a 'Blueprint for a Free Burma' Aung San combined nationalist, communist, and parliamentary ideas. He called for equal economic development and independence for ethnic groups to bring the country together. In contrast to this, Ne Win believed that the military was the only institution capable of cementing an ethnically diverse country together. He combined Buddhism, Marxism, and nationalist principles to form his 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. There is also a third approach that encapsulates the desires of the ethnic population and manifests itself in a variety of forms from secession to federalism.

Burma's current military junta came to power in 1988, forming the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). The ruling council is made up of military personnel and the junta is backed by a large armed force, estimated to number 429,000, backed up by a military intelligence network.

General elections in Burma in May 1990 to form Pyithutt Hluttaw, or the People's Assembly, saw the opposition party, the NLD (led by Aung San Suu Kyi) winning a landslide victory. The military junta issued Order 1/90 to justify their refusal to recognise the election result and therefore the election result has not been honoured. Aung San was placed under house arrest. A 1992 plan to convene a National Convention, or Constituent Assembly, to lay down guidelines and basic principles for a new constitution has suffered been postponed several times and remains incomplete.

Aung San was released from house arrest in July 1995. In November 1997, the SLORC was reshuffled and renamed itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). In May 1998 the NLD demanded that parliament be convened; following this, hundreds of NLD member were detained in 'government guesthouses'. Only nine of the ninety-three parties that contested the May 1990 election are still legally recognised. The NLD remains a legal party but operates under severe restrictions plus continuous harassment and surveillance.

In 1993 the junta established the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA) which, in 1997, was explicitly recognised as the junta's political wing. The head of the junta, General Than Shwe, is also head of the USDA, which now has a 12 million 'member' support base. It is important to note that non-members are denied access to universities and civil service jobs, and as such membership does not reflect popular support for the regime. Members of the USDA are believed to be responsible for the attack of Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade in November 1996.

Since 1989, cease-fire agreements have been made with a number of ethnic minority resistance armies. Armies not participating in the cease-fire include the Karen National Union (KNU) as talks broke down in 1995/6, the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) as the cease-fire broke down in 1995, and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-South). Cease-fire agreements with ethnic minority resistance armies have not ended human rights violations and have, in some instances, increased the incidents of forced labour, forced portering, and forced relocation due to the expanded presence of soldiers in areas previously under control of ethnic minority groups. These agreements generally do not lead to the resolution of political grievances, as political solutions are not sought through dialogue.

A reshuffle of top generals in November 2001 was followed by arrests of four relatives of Ne Win amidst allegations of plotting a coup. In September 2002 these four were sentenced to death for treason.

A tripartite dialogue between the ethnic opposition groups, the NLD and the SPDC, has been long desired, but is regarded by many as an ambitious ideal. There are currently discussions taking place between the NLD and the SPDC.

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Culture

Bordered by Bangladesh, India, Tibet, China, Laos, and Thailand, contemporary Burma has an extremely ethnically diverse population living within a country that has been politically and economically isolated for decades. No detailed census of the ethnic minority population has been attempted since 1931, and therefore no accurate survey of the ethnic population exists. However, it is estimated that ethnic minority groups make up at least one-third of the total population and inhabit half the land area. A 1974 Constitution demarcated seven ethnic minority states - Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah (Karenni), Mon, Rakhine (Arakan), and Shan, as well as seven divisions (Burman). This demarcation does not reflect the ethnically complex makeup of the population, nor does it cater for the population of Indian and Chinese extraction.

Buddhism is the main and official religion. There are also Animist, Muslim, Christian, Hindu, and other religions practised throughout Burma. Throughout Burma's history Buddhist monks, who are the main alternative voice of authority, have frequently intervened in the country's political crisis and many are therefore kept under surveillance by the military regime. At the same time the ruling generals demonstrate their own piety through lavish donations to individual monks and monasteries.

'Nat-Pwe' describes the still active cult in the Burma of the thirty-seven 'nats'. It is difficult to define a 'nat' but they are said to be somewhere between a spirit and a god and are powerful beings that need to be placated. They are easily upset and can bestow a good future or bad luck on their followers.

The official language of the state is Burmese which is widely spoken. Over 100 different dialects and languages have been identified in Burma. Under current government control, ethnic minority groups are invariably barred from teaching their own languages in schools and it is widely considered by members of the ethnic populations that a 'Burmanization' process is under way. Efforts to document the 'national races of the Union of Myanmar' have been carried out by the military government, largely to promote tourism.

In 1989 the military junta changed the name of the country from Burma to 'Myanmar Naing Ngan' and changed the names of various place names to Burmanized versions rather than English ones; for example, Rangoon became Yangon. The non-Burman groups see this as an attempt to 'Burmanize' their culture and therefore do not recognise or use the new place names.

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Economics

Once referred to as the 'rice bowl of Asia', in 1987 Burma was designated by the UN to be a 'Least Developed Country'. It is rich in natural resources, with reserves of minerals, ores, and gemstones as yet unexplored. The economy is predominantly agricultural with an undeveloped industrial sector. Industrial output is hampered by inadequate power, infrastructure, and investment. A small manufacturing sector is dominated by food processing. The energy and mining sector is growing with the recent commencement of exports from the Yadana and Yetagun offshore natural gas fields.

Military-run enterprises dominate the mining, power, transport, domestic trade, and manufacturing industries. Government-run enterprises suffer from lack of transparency, corruption, and mismanagement.

Burmese currency is called the kyat and is officially set at six kyat to one US Dollar. However, black market rates have seen the rate fluctuate between 800 and 1,000 kyat to the dollar. This overvalued official exchange rate means that measurements of the economy are severely distorted. The informal sector and the extra-legal economies of illegal logging, widespread smuggling, and opium exports are also not included in official measurements.

The effects of US economic sanctions and the European withdrawal of Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) Privileges have been partly offset by Burma's admission into the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in July 1997.

Growth and incomes are uneven, with those living in the urban areas benefiting from higher levels of investment and relatively higher incomes. It is estimated that military spending accounts for at least 40% of public sector spending.

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Geography and Society

Located in South-East Asia, Burma is bordered by Bangladesh, India, Tibet, China, Laos, and Thailand. Naturally rich, its diverse ecosystem ranges from tropical reefs along the Bay of Bengal to mountains of the Himalayas. It has some of the last remaining rainforests in Asia, which are home to numerous endangered flora and fauna. The climate is tropical monsoon and the terrain is central lowlands surrounded by steep highlands.

In recent years Burma's rainforest, in particular the teak forest, has been opened to Thai loggers in order to earn foreign exchange. Environmental concerns over this logging and the consequential disappearance of dense forests are raised mostly outside Burma, with internal voices being suppressed. Fishing concessions have also been granted to Thai companies, which have led to over-fishing by modern trawler fleets in wide areas of the Andaman Sea on Burma's south-east coast.

Burma has oil reserves that have recently been exploited with the start of exports from the Yadana and Yetagun oilfields.

With very little investment in health care by the military regime, international organisations have, in recent years, been attempting to improve the health facilities available. As of 2002, the infant mortality rate was 72.11 deaths per 1,000 live births with the average number of children born per woman at 2.23. These figures do not illustrate the urban-rural dimensions of childbirth. Also as of 2002, average life expectancy was 55.41 years (female 57.07 years, male 53.85 years) with only 4.8 per cent of the population 65 years and over.

HIV/AIDS is referred to as the 'silent emergency' in Burma. CIA figures put the adult prevalence rate at nearly 2 per cent, and the total number of people living with HIV/AIDS at 530,000 (1999 estimate).

In 1988, the military government closed all the schools, colleges, and universities in Burma following student-led demonstrations for democracy and the threat of further pro-democracy activities. Although the universities are periodically reopened for examinations to take place, they remain subject to arbitrary closure, and have been closed more often than open ever since. Those that are open are subject to repressive military control and are under-equipped. The reality within Burma is that a whole generation of young people has been deprived of the opportunity of education.

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