Conflict-induced displacement

Gender impact of armed conflict

Women and men experience conflict, displacement, and post-conflict settings differently because of the culturally determined gender division of roles and responsibilities. Civilians – mostly women, children, the elderly, and the disabled – are now the main victims of wars, with estimates that they account for 30–90 per cent of casualties (Muggah and Berman 2001). Women are especially vulnerable in those informal, low-key armed conflicts that are a majority today. Some 80 per cent of casualties by small arms, which are the main weapons used in armed conflicts, are women and children, with the rest being military casualties. Most of the military casualties are young men, although there are a large number of female combatants throughout the world. Men make up 96 per cent of the detainee population and 90 per cent of the missing (International Committee of the Red Cross – ICRC 2001), while women and children represent a majority of the displaced.

As well as being affected as civilians, women and girls are targeted because of their gender. Armed conflict usually exacerbates inequalities, including gender-based ones, although the effects vary depending on particular contexts. Women and girls are particularly vulnerable because of their disadvantaged position in society in general: they are the majority of the poor, have less access to education and employment opportunities, and are less mobile because of their traditional productive and reproductive roles. This can lead to higher mortality and morbidity among females during armed conflict, as women and girls are affected by physical and sexual violence, impoverishment, lack of access to basic goods and services, and gender discrimination.

Gender-based violence

There are many examples throughout history of the widespread physical, psychological and sexual torturing and injuring of women and girls during armed conflicts. Most of these acts were ignored or condoned, treated as 'inevitable' and part of the general climate of violence and exploitation of females. This began to change in the 1990s, as the focus on women's human rights and humanitarian assistance drew increasing attention to the problem of 'gender-based violence' (GBV).

GBV 'is an umbrella term for any harm that is perpetrated against a person's will; that has a negative impact on the physical or psychological health, development, and identity of the person; and that is the result of gendered power inequities that exploit distinctions between males and females, among males, and among females. Although not exclusive to women and girls, GBV principally affects them across all cultures. Violence may be physical, sexual, psychological, economic, or sociocultural' (Women's Commission for Refugee Women and Children – CRWC – Ward 2002).

Common acts of GBV committed against women and girls during armed conflict and consequent social disruption include sexual assault, often associated with violent physical assault; mass, multiple, and gang rapes; early or forced marriage and forced pregnancies; enforced sterilization; forced or coerced prostitution; military sexual slavery; human trafficking; and domestic violence. Men and boys also suffer from sexual abuse and rape, and are usually the main targets of forced conscription. Other acts of GBV that may increase during conflict and particularly affect women and girls are female infanticide, female genital mutilation, and honour killing.

GBV can be random or systematic. For instance, the sexual assault and rape of women and girls can become a strategy of war used to frighten or destroy communities or entire populations, symbolize victory over the enemy, or supply fighters with sexual services. There is also evidence of female combatants being subjected to sexual exploitation. Rape, forced pregnancy, and sexual torture are now recognized as war crimes and crimes against humanity. In Bosnia, more than 20,000 Muslim women were raped in a single year during the conflict, while a majority of female survivors of the genocide in Rwanda were sexually assaulted (UNHCR 2002). In February 2001, the UN War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague convicted two former Bosnian Serb soldiers of 'sexually enslaving Muslim women and girls'; in 1999, it issued its first indictment for rape, against a Rwandan soldier (Saving Women's Lives – SWL 2002).

GBV in Sierra Leone

After almost a decade of civil war, Sierra Leone has been seriously devastated. Tens of thousands of people have been killed, and there are more than 400,000 refugees and up to 1 million displaced people. The effects of the armed conflict have been particularly severe in rural areas. Rebels of the Revolutionary United Front have raped, murdered, and mutilated thousands of civilians; they have also abducted women and children to be used as sexual slaves and child soldiers.

Even before the armed conflict erupted, women and girls across the country, and especially those living in rural areas, had limited socio-economic opportunities. During the war, women and girls experienced gender-specific abuses, such as individual and gang rapes, abductions, sexual slavery and forced marriages. Many of them lost relatives, suffered or witnessed atrocities, and some were forced to take part in the violence. Tens of thousands were forced to flee their homes and moved to urban areas or to refugee camps in Guinea, where they lived without adequate assistance or protection. Many women and girls suffered from further physical and sexual abuse during displacement, often having to resort to prostitution or the exchange of sexual favours to obtain basic items and services for their survival and that of their families. They now face a return to a country destroyed by war, with little family or community support, where violence against women and girls is still high and their rights are not guaranteed.

Other types of impact

The effects of armed conflict on women and girls go beyond sexual and other types of GBV. Women experience distinct economic and social problems as they find it extremely difficult to care and support themselves and their families financially. As men join the armed struggle, are killed or kidnapped, many women have to assume the role of breadwinner, something that they may not be used to or prepared for, and for which they often have little support. This leads to greater vulnerability to hunger, malnutrition, and exploitation. Often, during conflict and displacement, women and girls are forced to offer sex for survival, in exchange for basic goods or protection. Young girls and women alone, especially lone female heads of household, are at greater risk. In addition, the disruption of basic services during conflict means inadequate access to essential services such as health care, including reproductive health services. This is happening at a time when women and girls are at a greater risk of getting pregnant and contracting sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV and AIDS.

However, the impacts of armed conflict on women are not always negative. For some women, it allows for greater mobility and the opportunity to learn new skills and assume new roles, which may be an empowering experience. This, on the other hand, can lead to increased tensions in gender relations, especially when men find it difficult to cope with their reduced ability to act as the main leader, provider, and protector in the family. The increased incidence of domestic violence during and after conflict, for instance, is a result of the stresses and traumas imposed on families and traditional gender relations. Also, generally, many of the advantages gained by women during armed conflict are lost during peacetime. For instance, women hardly participate in peace negotiations, and therefore the needs of women and girls are not always taken into account in peace accords. There are some exceptions, however. After peace was achieved in Guatemala, refugee women in Mexico became directly involved in repatriation negotiations and made sure that their equal rights to private and communal property were enshrined.

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Women refugees

Forced migration is one of the most visible consequences of armed conflict. Despite the fact that women and children account for a majority of refugees and IDPs, up until relatively recently their needs and strengths were not taken into account. The gender-based discrimination that affects women and girls in most societies before and during conflict is usually replicated or even exacerbated during forced migration. Although since the 1990s there have been major efforts to improve protection and assistance for displaced females, most female refugees and IDPs still face violence and discrimination.

Women seeking asylum

Women fleeing to other countries often find it difficult to obtain refugee status on their own, instead of as dependents. The 1951 Refugee Convention (Geneva Convention), on which most states' asylum laws are based, considers refugees 'persons outside their country of nationality who have a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion' (Mertus 2000) . Gender-based violence is not explicitly included as a form of persecution, although recently human rights advocates have made some progress in forcing states to recognize gender-based persecution as grounds for claiming asylum and to eliminate discrimination against women refugees. Canada was the first country to adopt such an approach in 1993, making no distinction between public (domestic) and private violence against women. Since then, other countries, like the United States, have followed suit, but the practical results of such advancements still need to be studied.

Life in refugee camps

Gender inequities affect women and girls when they flee to refugee camps in neighbouring countries, as well as IDPs. Before the 1990s, there was little awareness of the different needs and strengths of refugee women and men. In many camps, food and other basic goods were distributed to male heads of household, leaving women and girls, and especially female heads of household, disadvantaged. Protection and specific assistance for displaced women and girls was mostly non-existent. Nowhere was this more evident than in the case of the 'lost boys of Sudan'.

In the late 1980s, thousands of boys and girls fled their homes in Sudan because of armed fighting. They wandered around East Africa for years, with many dying on the way and the rest surviving as best as they could until, in the early 1990s, they eventually reached the Kakuma refugee camp in northern Kenya. The ordeal of the so-called 'lost boys of Sudan' received quite a lot of media attention. After several more years languishing in the camp, 4,000 of the boys, whose parents had either died or were missing, were offered resettlement in the United States. By contrast, no one highlighted the plight of the 'lost girls'. Among those who made it to Kenya there were several thousands girls aged 8–10. Most of them were absorbed by foster families in the camp, with many becoming little more than unpaid servants. No one offered them resettlement. In the refugee camp, the girls suffered from rape, early pregnancies, kidnapping, and forced marriage.

This situation started to change with the raising of the profile of gender issues in forced migration, and development in general, in the 1990s. Today, there is a growing recognition that women and children need specific attention. Life in refugee camps is hard both for women and men, as well as the young and old. The camps are often designed and run without any input from refugees themselves and therefore do not always reflect their needs and desires.

Protection Issues

There is plenty of evidence that women and girls are often subjected to sexual and other types of GBV in refugee camps, sometimes by security personnel, camp officials, or aid workers. Young, unaccompanied females are among the most vulnerable, as well as women from minority ethnic groups. In Somalia, for instance, rape and sexual abuse in IDP camps is common, with women and children, especially Bantus and Ogadenis, most at risk. Somali women and girls living in refugee camps in Kenya have also been the target of rape and sexual attack by other Somalis, Kenyan police, and soldiers. In Guinea, after a speech against refugees by the president in September 2000, thousands of Sierra Leonean and Liberian women and girl refugees were physically and sexually attacked by police, soldiers, and civilians.

Access to basic goods

The distribution of food and other basic goods to refugee populations was traditionally organized through male leaders and sometimes did not reach women and girls. More recently, however, there has been greater awareness that the best way of assuring the nutritional and basic needs of families is to distribute aid through women. This often leads to a more efficient and equitable use of resources. Shelter is also often a problem for women and girls in the cramped conditions in refugee camps. In the Shalman camp for Afghans in Pakistan there were, in March 2002, some 20,000 refugees sharing 3,576 tents, 865 latrines, 373 washrooms and 5 doctors (SWL 2002).

In some instances, the design of camps adds to women's and girls' discomforts and insecurities. For instance, communal housing offers no privacy for women, while lone women and girls housed in marked tents may become easy targets of sexual abuse. The fact that women and girls in many African societies are responsible for fetching water and fuel, usually at a distance from their tents or even outside the camps, has sometimes left them exposed to sexual and physical attacks. For example, a study of Somali refugee women in 1999 suggested that the women were cooking fewer meals because of the fear of being raped while collecting firewood (SWL 2002). In some refugee-type situations, attempts have been made to involve women in the designing of the layout and facilities of the camps with good results.

Healthcare needs

Most displaced women have little or no access to proper health care. The lack of healthcare facilities affects refugee populations in general, given the basic conditions and resources in refugee camps. However, women and girls are at a greater disadvantage because their reproductive healthcare needs increase during emergencies, given their roles and vulnerability to GBV.

Basic reproductive healthcare needs include personal hygiene, safe birthing conditions, pre- and post-natal care, family planning, and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Some organizations, such as the UNHCR, UNFPA, the WHO, and the Red Cross, provide basic health care, including mental and reproductive health care, for women in emergency situations. However, according to a survey of eighty-one NGOs working with refugees and IDPs, only eight had specific policies or guidelines on providing reproductive health services, while only thirty-eight supplied some of those services (mostly family planning and treatment of STDs) (SWL 2002).

Education and employment

Education, training, and income-generation opportunities for women in refugee camps are also limited. Access to education in such conditions is generally limited, with women and girls often left out owing to traditional practices and gender discrimination. In the Shalman refugee camp for Afghans in Pakistan there were, in March 2002, four new primary schools for boys and one for girls. The literacy rate in Afghanistan is estimated to be around 33 per cent for men and 13 per cent for women (SWL 2002).

Finding employment or any other means of income generation is often harder for women. Lone females, women heads of household, and women with young children or other relatives to look after are particularly disadvantaged, since they have to support themselves and their families in very difficult circumstances. When they find paid work, in or outside the camp, it is often menial, insecure, and badly remunerated. Women have to deal not only with the lack of employment opportunities open to refugees in general, both inside and outside camps, but also with restrictions placed on them by male relatives according to traditional gender roles. Also, because of their gender roles and identities, women are often less prepared for paid work, lacking the necessary skills and knowledge. As a result, some resort to prostitution, begging, or the exchange of sexual favours for goods and services. Women and girls are particularly vulnerable to illegal trafficking for the sex industry worldwide.

Although some progress has been made in the assistance and protection of female refugees, still more needs to be done. Despite the growing focus on gender issues in forced migration and attempts at gender mainstreaming by organizations involved with refugees, implementation of policies and guidelines is not always up to scratch. In addition, some of the changes made in programmes or new policies implemented have been largely superficial, if not fully counterproductive, mainly due to the lack of detailed gender analyses of specific situations. Advocates for refugees and women's human rights are calling for greater involvement of women, and refugees in general, in the planning, organization, and running of refugee camps.

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Internally displaced women

Of the estimated 20–25 million people internally displaced by conflicts around the world, more than 70 per cent are women and children (Cohen 1998). The plight of IDPs is usually worse than that of refugees for two main reasons. First, IDPs remain within the borders of their own country, and therefore under the jurisdiction and protection of the same government that may have been responsible for their displacement, or at least unable to protect them in the first place. Also, in situations of widespread conflict, IDPs cannot escape the dangers and fears particular to settings of war and political violence. Secondly, IDPs are afforded less international protection and assistance than refugees who cross borders. Although a representative of the UN Secretary-General on Internally Displaced People was appointed in 1992, and Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement were introduced in 1998, these are not legally binding.

Protection and assistance

The internally displaced, both women and men, are thus more vulnerable to continued violence and human rights abuses, with no legal or institutional form of redress. Protection in these cases is a major problem, especially for women and girls. Despite attempts by some international organizations and NGOs to provide humanitarian assistance, IDPs have less access to services than refugees. For instance, while Burundi women living in refugee camps in Tanzania received health care, food rations, and education for children, those women in displacement camps inside Burundi lacked all those services and were more vulnerable to sexual violence or the exchange of sexual favours for food or protection (Benjamin 1998). In places where many of the internally displaced left their homes as individuals or in small groups, rather than en masse, and where armed conflict continues (as is the case in Colombia), protection and assistance are even scarcer.

General impacts on women

nally displaced women and girls, like those in refugee situations, are affected differently than men by displacement. They are more vulnerable to sexual and other types of GBV, suffer the break-up of their families and community networks, and the loss of social and cultural ties. Most internally displaced women are from rural areas and ill-prepared for the changes in gender roles and responsibilities that come with displacement, whether this involves life in an IDP camp or moving to an urban environment. In many cases, they become heads of households, and have to cope not only with their personal traumas and problems, but also with having to support their families economically and emotionally.

Poor access to basic services, such as shelter and food, and lack of employment and training opportunities force many internally displaced women and girls into prostitution. This, in turn, increases the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases or unwanted pregnancies in a context of limited health care. In addition, sometimes the disruptions in family and social life leave women more vulnerable to sexual abuse and violence, including domestic violence. Some of these problems can only be solved, or alleviated, through increased international protection of IDPs and greater involvement of IDPs in actions aimed at helping them.

Case study: Colombia

A recent study by a local human rights organization (Consultoría Para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento – CODHES) estimates that there are 2,700,000 IDPs in Colombia (Semana 2002). This is in addition to the many Colombians who have sought refuge in neighbouring countries, as well as in the USA, Canada, and Europe. Both IDPs and refugees are the result of more than four decades of armed conflict between the state, left-wing guerrillas and right-wing paramilitaries, all with links to the drugs trade. During the past decade alone, some 30,000 people were killed as a result of political violence (FMO Country Guide: Colombia 2002), while another 200,000 are estimated to have been the victims of criminal violence (Muggah and Berman 2001). Most of those killed or forced to flee by the armed conflict are civilians.

Gender impact of conflict

As in many other places, the impact of conflict and displacement in Colombia has been different for men and women. Although young adult men have typically accounted for most of the dead, women are also increasingly becoming targets; local reports estimate that more than 360 women are killed each year as a result of political violence (Leonard 2002). Women and girls are killed in massacres, sometimes of entire families, or because of their growing participation in armed groups. They are also targeted because of their activism, profession, or their belonging to a certain group – IDPs, prostitutes, street children, and indigenous and Afro-Caribbean women are particularly vulnerable. In addition, women account for an estimated 49–58 per cent of the total displaced population, and up to 80 per cent of the displaced living in urban areas (Global IDP Project 2002). Women and children together represent 74–80 per cent of the displaced population.

Typically, women flee rural regions after the killing or kidnapping of their husbands, fathers, or sons by paramilitaries or guerrillas, or under the threat of death and violence. Traumatized and terrorized, they abandon their homes, leaving everything behind. They often move with children and other relatives under their care to an urban destination, where if they are lucky they will have some help from friends or relatives. Around 30–50 per cent of IDPs in Colombia live in or around large cities, with the rest settling in smaller cities or in rural areas (Leonard 2002). In addition, most people flee as individuals or in small groups, rather than en masse, which makes assistance and protection once they get to a destination more difficult. Although there are national laws and programmes to assist IDPs, implementation is poor, and access to basic services is usually limited by lack of resources and discrimination. Women in particular get little official help; many of them lack identity documents or proof of displacement, or are unwilling to register as IDPs because of fear of being persecuted and/or stigmatized. Black and Indian women are at an even greater disadvantage, as they are discriminated against not only along gender but also along ethnic and identity lines.

GBV

Displaced women heads of households are one of the most vulnerable groups. According to government figures for 1999, 56 per cent of displaced families were headed by women – 74 per cent of them by widows or women abandoned during the process of displacement (Global IDP Project 2002). Female heads of households and women and girls on their own are more vulnerable to gender-based violence (GBV) as they try to provide for themselves and their families since they lack any protection or support. Rape and sexual violence is systematically used against women and girls in Colombia as part of the armed conflict and in the context of displacement. It is often used by armed groups as a strategy of intimidation. In a recent survey by Profamilia (Global IDP Project 2001), one out of five displaced women said they had been sexually abused, although the total is likely to be higher since many instances of rape and abuse go unreported. In addition, 60 per cent of displaced women had no access to healthcare services. This is particularly worrying, since the social disruption caused by armed conflict and displacement usually causes a large rise in sexually transmitted diseases, increased pregnancies among adolescent girls, and enormous emotional traumas and stresses. A UN HCHR report on the human rights situation in Colombia (2002) mentioned the lack of psycho-social care for displaced women who had been sexually abused (Global IDP Project 2002).

Struggle to survive

Despite all of this, the main priority concern for many displaced women in Colombia is the lack of options for income generation. Rural women used to an environment of well-delineated gender roles find it very difficult to cope with urban life. Families must have access to instant cash to pay for basics such as food and shelter, or to send their children to school and obtain health are. Many of these women are not used to negotiating their way around bureaucracies and officials and therefore find it difficult to get any assistance. Finding paid work is also hard, since they may not have the right skills, or in the case of women with young children, because of lack of child care. If they find work, is usually in low-paid activities such as domestic service or street vending. There is growing evidence of IDP women and girls turning to begging or prostitution as a means of survival. NGOs have also reported an increase in trafficking in women, with Colombia currently rated as the third largest source of trafficked women.

There is evidence that traditional peasant women suffer even more than men from loss of their identity. Men, on the other hand, suffer more the impact of displacement through unemployment. The psycho-social consequences of displacement, with the changes in traditional roles, put an enormous pressure on families. This is one of the main reasons for the increase in domestic violence, affecting mainly women and children. Adolescent boys in particular are also affected by their greater exposure to violence and criminality. The experience of displacement, together with lack of education and economic opportunities, often make them turn to criminality or to join armed groups. There is also evidence of girls becoming friendly with or joining guerrillas or paramilitaries for protection or as a means of survival.

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Women in post-conflict settings

Concern about the gender impact of conflicts and displacement has also more recently extended to post-conflict settings. Research has shown once again that women and men experience post-conflict situations differently, and that women are discriminated against in return and resettlement policies. Women's human rights are often ignored in post-conflict periods, despite the fact that they are still largely vulnerable to GBV, especially in those areas where security is still a concern. In addition, women may be ignored in compensation packages or may become more dependent on men due to the loss of income from their traditional activities and other changes in resource-use patterns. Widows and other lone women are particularly vulnerable, especially in those societies where women do not have independent rights to property. The lack of specific attention to the reintegration of female soldiers is also a problem.

Despite all of this, it is important to recognize that women are not just victims in this process, but that they often show amazing courage, skills, and strengths. Studies have shown that at times of crisis women seem to have greater resilience and are more adaptable, they assume new roles, become leaders, and hold families and communities together. Some organizations working with forced migrants have laid emphasis on the empowerment of women through their active participation in conflict and post-conflict contexts. By supporting their activities and leadership in displacement situations, the organizations hope that women's roles will be enhanced in the post-conflict settings, and gender inequalities balanced. Similar concerns have also led to calls for greater involvement of women in peace processes and settlements, as well as in reconstruction initiatives.

Case study: Rwanda

Between 800,000 and 1 million people were killed in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, when hard-line Hutu groups sought to eliminate Tutsi and Hutu moderates. After the Tutsis won the upper hand in the war, an estimated 3 million people became uprooted as Hutus fled to neighbouring countries in fear of reprisals; at the same time, exiled Tutsis returned to Rwanda. In 1996, many Hutu refugees chose or were forced to return to a deeply traumatized country.

GBV

During the conflict, the result of old ethnic hatreds, thousands of women and girls were the target of gender-based violence – estimates are that 250,000–500,000 survived rape (in addition to all those who were raped before being killed). Atrocities committed against women and girls also included sexual slavery, forced incest, purposeful HIV transmission, impregnation, and genital mutilation. GBV was present before 1994. Most Rwandan women were confined to agricultural and domestic work, and discrimination against women and girls was common, as evidenced, for instance, in existing practices of forced marriage and forced sex in marriage. However, problems like domestic violence, sexual abuse, HIV-infection, and prostitution, among others, have increased in the climate of devastation left by the conflict.

Reconstruction

The genocide had a huge impact on sex ratios. Post-1994, 54 per cent of the population was female and 34 per cent of households were headed by women, 60 per cent of them widows (UNHCR 2002). Amidst the destruction and trauma left by the war, women and girls have shown an amazing capacity to get on with their lives, struggling not only to survive but also to participate fully in the reconstruction of their country and in the process of redefining gender roles and relations, as well as ethnic divides. There are thousands of grassroots women's organizations linked by networks across the country helping women to reconstruct their lives and to participate fully in society. They have had the support of the Ministry for Gender and Women in Development (Migeprofe), created post-conflict, and the international community, especially through the UNHCR's Rwanda Women's Initiative (RWI).

The RWI

The main aim of the RWI, launched in 1997, was the 'empowerment of women in economic, social, and political life' (UNHCR 2002). The initiative targeted the most vulnerable through support for local women's projects in education, income generation, and psycho-social support, among others, while at the same time boosting the capacity of such women's groups and promoting gender issues at national level (through the creation of Migeprofe, for instance). However, despite some successes, the RWI has also had some shortcomings. Critics argue that the initiative has focused on basic needs and has not done much to promote further strategic gender interests. Lack of funding has also been a problem.

Case study: The Balkans

The conflicts in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s left many dead and thousands uprooted, most of them civilians. At the end of the war in Bosnia in 1995, there were more than 1 million IDPs and 1.3 million refugees abroad, while conflict in Kosovo in the late 1990s resulted in more than 1.5 million people displaced. While most ethnic Albanians had returned to Kosovo by the end of 1999, this was accompanied by an exodus of Serbs and Roma from the province. According to the UNHCR, around 2 million people have now returned to their homes, but an estimated 1.3 million people are still displaced.

The wars in the Former Republic of Yugoslavia attracted a lot of international interest and involvement. The plight of women and children received special attention. The use of rape and sexual abuses committed against women, as part of 'ethnic cleansing' throughout the war, were widely documented. Aid organizations became heavily involved in protection and assistance, and special programmes were created to cater for the needs of refugee and internally displaced women and girls (with more or less success). Two special efforts at integrating women in return and reconstruction initiatives post-conflict were the Bosnia Women's Initiative (BWI) and the Kosovo Women's Initiative (KWI).

Case Study: Bosnia

The BWI was established in 1996 to promote the 'empowerment of Bosnian women' through projects in psycho-social support, community services, education, and income generation (WCRWC 2002). Assistance and funding have been generous. After the initial focus on emergency assistance and psycho-social work for reconstruction, most finance has been allocated to income-generating projects (73 per cent), in line with general donors' priorities. This has been criticized because many women are still suffering from wartime trauma and need support, especially those that have been affected by rape, sexual abuse, and other types of GBV. Protection and security remain key concerns for women in the reconstruction phase. Local women's groups have criticized the BWI for not working directly with them. Greater involvement of local women in decision-making within the initiative is needed in order to take into account real needs and desires, as well as to make the programmes and their results self-sustainable.

Case Study: Kosovo

The KWI, established later (mid 1999), learned some lessons from the Bosnia context. Women and children in Kosovo suffered disproportionately from displacement, with many pregnant and nursing women among those forced to flee. Many of the displaced were from poor regions, and facilities for refugees in conflict-ridden Macedonia or poor Albania (or indeed for IDPs) were horrendous. Aid delivery and assistance for the displaced were difficult during the conflict, with a lack of medical care and psycho-social support for women affected by GBV – displaced men were also severely traumatized, and often women had to support them as well as the rest of the family. Even after the war, levels of domestic violence, rape, trafficking, and abduction of women and girls were high.

Women's groups in Kosovo, after the experience of Bosnia, were highly organized and active in assistance and protection. They also benefited more from international/NGO programmes. The KWI, for instance, had a broader focus that included protection issues, GBV, reproductive health, and support for capacity-building of women's groups. Despite this, there have been criticisms regarding lack of respect for local agendas and failure to support women in leadership roles and their marginalization in development and peace plans.

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A gendered approach to forced migration

Despite the fact that the needs and strengths of women in forced migration are not yet fully addressed, the move away towards a more gendered approach has focused attention on wider issues. If the aim is to influence gender roles and relations to eliminate inequalities in the long term, greater attention needs to be paid to the impact of policies and programmes on the displaced in general, and women in particular. In some instances, encouraging women to assume new roles without deeply challenging gender assumptions can merely increase their work burden, or leave them to fulfil functions for which they have no institutional or social support. In other cases, such as in Bosnia, the employment of local women by international organizations meant that women were earning more than men and led to tensions, while the fact that the women were mostly in mid-level positions meant that they had no impact on decision-making or the design of programmes.

Men and conflict-induced displacement

There are still few studies on the particular impact of conflict and displacement on men. Men are generally seen as the aggressors, but they can also be victims. Men and boys are exposed to gender-based violence; they are sometimes raped or sexually abused; or they can be forced to rape and abuse women relatives. In addition, young men and boys are vulnerable to forced recruitment by armed groups, torture, detention, physical attack, and disappearances.

The general impression that seems to emerge from gender analysis is that men find it more difficult to cope with displacement, as it often threatens their traditional gender roles and positions of authority within the family and community. Attempts to improve women refugees' agency and to empower them often lead to men resenting such challenges to gender roles and relations, and sometimes is perceived as bad by women themselves. Another common source of complaint in such contexts is the change in relations between generations. For example, in Lukole refugee camp in Tanzania, Burundian refugees saw changes in gender relations as a sign of 'moral decay' and complained that 'women no longer respected their husbands...(they) find UNHCR a better husband' (Turner 2000). In an attempt to alter such changes, some young men in the camp used the opportunities provided by relief work to overcome age hierarchies and assume positions of power and leadership.

Young men and boys have been identified in some displacement contexts as one of the groups in need of more urgent attention. This is the case, for example, among the internally displaced in Colombia. Some research has pointed out that women and children are now recognized as vulnerable groups and receive special attention from agencies, including activities aimed at improving women's awareness, health, employment capabilities, and leadership. On the other hand, men are treated as heads of households, not as gendered actors themselves, which particularly disadvantages young men. However, to make improvements in women's lives last, it is precisely young men and their gender roles and identities that need to be targeted.

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